ROLE OF National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK)

QUESTION; Assess the role of civil society in the democratization process of any one East Africa country

Role of Civil society in the democratization process of Africa;

Case of the National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK); Kenya.

“…such negotiated and controlled transitions, the stimulus for democratization, and particularly the pressure to complete the process, have typically come from the “resurrection of the civil society,” the restructuring of the public space, and mobilization of all manner of independent groups and grassroot movements.” Larry j. diamond says. He further discuses all these zeroing to civil society. He earlier put to task the readers to identify what force is behind great crusades, brave band s of students, women match to give only a partial list other than the name civil society.

In the article “democracy and democratization in Africa, Sanjeev Khagram cites the definition of civil society as, ‘Alfred Stepan defines civil society as "that arena where manifold social movements...and civic organizations...express themselves and advance their interests." Naomi Chazan adds to this by suggesting that civil society "refers to the segment of society that interacts with the state, influences the state, and yet is distinct from the state." Thus, civil society is the intermediary arena of associations between society more broadly and political institutions.’”

He further cites Naomi Chazan, "Africa's Democratic Challenge: Strengthening Civil Society and the State," World Policy Journal (Spring 1992), p. 282, as, “vibrant civil societies are seen as a critical check on authoritarian rule. The nurturing of civil society is perceived as the most effective means of controlling repeated abuses of state power, holding rulers accountable to their citizens, and establishing the foundations for durable democratic government.”  Diamond further attests to Chazan, “civil society is alive and well when citizens participate in church groups, professional associations, women's groups, trade unions, human rights groups, and civic associations in order to press for state and economic reforms.”

Frank Khachina Matanga in the “civil society and politic in Africa,” cites two types of civil society as progressive or confrontational when it opposes and confronts authoritarian rule and reactionary when it entrenches the authoritarian regime-morals, political and economic support. Diamond (1994), reveals the diversity of civil society, “It encompasses a vast array of formal and informal organizations engaged in a wide range of activities to achieve economic, cultural, educational and developmental goals.” Emma Porio also associates civil society to movements. “Social movements constitute an important subset of civil society. He further cites Rocamora et al (1998) also added that the growth of civil societies has to be understood at four inter-related levels: state, political society, civil society and international actors. They also argue that democratic movements have to be always calibrated within the post- Cold War politics. For a better appreciation of the relationship among these entities, see schematic diagram below.”

 

Figure 1. Schematic representation of the relationship of state, civil society, and the market.

He (Frank, 2000) attribute the rise of civil society in Kenya to the lack of formal political organization (1982-1992) to confront government, this gave credibility to civil society. Secondly, even multiparty system, schism along tribal ethnic and personal ambitions for power empowered civil societies thus continued role of civil society, however the government derived various oppositional political attempts to contain civil society as legislation, propaganda, co-optation, removal of anti established civil society loaders, and so forth.”

The civil society in Kenya is described as, “Kenya has a varied and dense network of voluntary and civic associations. Urban civil society appears to be quantitatively different from that found in rural areas. Rural associations are oriented essentially towards improving the material quality of life; a large proportion of rural voluntary organizations are credit unions, cooperatives and labour pools. Student and professional groups are concentrated in urban civil society and played a major role in pressing the government to reinstate multiparty politics in the period 1990-1992 and to accede to at least minimal constitutional reforms prior to the operatives 1997 general Elections.” (Preface Leadership Book-1 East Africa)

The church at the fore front, we dichotomize the role the National Councils of Churches of Kenya, (NCCK). Many undermine the church’s role, but the church itself recognizes it position in the civil society, this paints a picture of pro and anti government positions; “…Church recognises its position within civil society and has, at times, joined in the struggle for justice, although at other times it has opted to be either supportive of the government in authority, or has remained neutral with respect to political and socio-economic issues.”(Gibbs and Ajulu, 1999:43)

 The National Council of Churches of Kenya (NCCK) formed in 1966 which initially constituted thirty-seven mainline Protestant churches and para-church organizations related to the Church Province of Kenya (CPK) and the Presbyterian Church of East Africa (PCEA) denominations.

It’s on this forum which is the main arm through which the constituent churches exercise their prophetic role (implying the churches’ involvement in speaking out on political and socio-economic issues of injustice and oppression) and involvement in civil society in Kenya. Its note worth that the Catholic Church joined the body latter on albeit it’s already involvement in politics.

With such fabricated ground of the NCCK, the role they played in the advocacy and democratization of Kenya is lined below;

The NCCK played a major in defining Church-State relations. From the start (1960 through 1970) it had a strong rather uncritical relationship with the state. In 1966, in an article in its own magazine, Target, it successfully criticised the governments proposed plan to build a prestigious and expensive headquarters as a result these plans were shelved. Secondly, in 1970 when it criticised the promulgation of the Hanging Act. Also at certain times it gave support to individually initiated voices of protest against government injustices like in 1969 Henry Okullu in condemning the tribal oathing (the Kikuyu vowed an oath never to leave power, post Tom Mboya death.)

Through its objectives, the church addressed socio-economic issues as opposed to political ones operating within the governmental framework. This it did in three majors grounds; 1) Christian Education and Training (both formal and informal education and was able to identify the plight of youth, thus the ‘‘Village Polytechnic’ programmes’ which became very popular).It also under took civic education n the mid-80s and early 90s which aided in the educating and preparing the civil society for multi party election and democracy. By these activities it functioned as an intermediary between the state and the government. 2) Relief, Rehabilitation and Resettlement; and 3.)Christian Service and Urban Development. On the other hand, the church was use to majorly do development work and shun politics. In worse cases, a situation was created wherein the Church functioned as a loyalist political structure. Priest taught people to only be law abiding, like the Kenyatte era the church battled with the Harambee philosophy. NCCK General-Secretary, John Kamau, a bosom friend to president thus unable to address issues of concern directly; case to note political murder of a prominent politician J. M. Kariuki. Divisions in the church also contributed to the weakening of the church voice.

In 1986, it condemned and won public support against the queuing instead of the secret ballot system. Under the shepherd hood of Bishop Gitari, a pastor’s conference was set where over 1200 pastors attended and formed a statement and signed by the NCCK general secretary and dispatched to the press. The Roman Catholic Church (RCC) also gave full support as it debuted. It achieved the democratic way of voting, the RCC bishop wrote a warning letter to the president, they condemned queuing as a method of forcing people into compromising their preferences out of fear of their superiors.

 However, the government only exempted clerics, senior civil servants as a bid to silence the church. The president also sought alliance, thus the formation of the Evangelical Fellowship of Kenya (EFK) registered in 1976 but operational in 1980 and at limelights in 1990-91 after president visit by her heads. It comprised the African Inland Church (AIC), the Reformed Church of East Africa (RCEA), the Kenya Assemblies of God (KAG), and the African Gospel Church (AGC).

The NCCK raised issues with the government based on  its ability to provide clearly documented evidence of such issues for example in the 1988 rigging of the general election, some pastors of the CPK diocese of Eldorret led by Bishop Muge took the courageous step of collecting data from Tinderet constituency where there had been threats of intimidation if the constituents did not vote for a certain candidate - Mr. Sego, against the incumbent MP, Mr. Henry Kosgey. A survey was carried out by three pastors, Mr. Sego (total of 3341 votes) and the incumbent MP Mr. Kosgey (total of 9385 votes

) The outcome was that Mr. Sego with a lower total vote was declared the winner. NCCK published the results in its magazine Beyond, which incurred government wrath to the end. The editor of the magazine Mr. Bedan Mbugwa was imprisoned and the magazine was proscribed, by this transparency was upheld thus democratization.

It strongly condemned the government and its abuse of power, like : passing resolutions without proper debates for example, the declaration of the one-party state was done after only 45 minutes!; rigging of elections; misuse of public property and other social ills. While opposing one party state for a democratic multiparty election in Kenya, professional association and opposition dissidents later joined. In addition, under the leadership of Bishop Gitari it used a mixture of law and scriptures to guard her actions like the usage of Romans 13, set against Revelations 13 plus the passage in Mark 12:17 to develop a prophetic theology, “Politics to the Church was too important to be left to the politicians alone. The Church was to realise that the State was failing to protect its citizens, and instead was manipulating them as in Revelations 13, where it becomes the beast and an apostate authority that needs to be resisted and dethroned. The Church was to articulate that God’s authority was superior to State authority which must operate within limits. Where the State violates those limits hence clashing with God’s authority, then loyalty to God’s authority must come first.”

It carried out sensitization and education role like a Department of Justice and Peace in 1991 was created (collaboration efforts of RCC and NCCK) with which it was determined to continue fighting State injustices through a programme of educating people about their political rights and democracy. This helped the NCCK redefine their major objective as to ‘promote an interpretation and application of the Gospel of Jesus Christ in a way that gives meaning in the daily lives of people thus creating a united just and sustainable society’. Their activities thus included;

1. help churches identify analyse and disseminate information on global, national and local issues that influence their daily lives;

2. facilitate research on two or three national issues and encourage a common

approach among churches;

3. work towards an inclusive interpretation of the Gospel which leads to social

action;

4. promote and advocate for protection of human rights and natural social

responsibilities; and

5. build churches’ capacity to process for the creation of a just society. (NCCK

1996: 1-5).

In its bid to educate and sensitise, themes provided for in the literature included: 1. democracy as a way of life; 2. understanding multi-party democracy in Kenya; 3. the role of opposition in multi-party parliament; and, 4. participation in elections. All this as done joisted on the hope that they (Kenyans) would be empowered to become politically active; which dream came through in 1993-mulitiparty elections that unfortunately saw the incumbent government back.

In a nut shell, it’s quite clear that with the political atmosphere of Kenya par say the divided opposition, democratization was a way to far dream to achieve of rather city in dwell in. the civil society especially the church that had a big constituency was the most place body to confront the government for democratization. Alongside the church (NCCK), were other civil societies like the Kenya Law society (KLS), the students body and trade unions that supplemented and complement the efforts of the church thus a realised dream.

Reference:

Larry J. Diamond, (1994); Rethinking Civil Society; Toward Democratic Consolidation, Journal of Democracy  Vol 5, No. 3, July 1994.

Frank Khachina Matanga, (2000.) Paper Title: Civil Society And Politics In Africa: The Case of Kenya Conference: Fourth International Conference Of Istr, Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, July 5-8, 2000.

Sanjeev Khagram, (1993) Democracy and democratization in Africa: a plea for pragmatic possibilism. (Challenges to Democracy) Africa Today September 22, 1993

Sara Gibbs and Deborah Ajulu,(1999), The Role of the Church in Advocacy: Case Studies from Southern and Eastern Africa; ISBN 1-897748-51-5. March 1999.

Emma Porio, Civil Society and Democratization in Asia: Prospects and Challenges in the New Millennium

Preface Leadership Book-1 East Africa, (2007), document/ preface leadership book-1 east Africa.doc.18/09/07.